Home 亚洲 How to Break the China-U.S. Tariff Deadlock?
亚洲北美

How to Break the China-U.S. Tariff Deadlock?

Share

——A Strategic Combination of Third-Party Mediation and Direct Dialogue

By CWB Commentary Group

Introduction

The trade friction between China and the United States has long surpassed the realm of pure economics. Soaring tariffs have become a symbol of confrontation rather than just mutual loss. To break the stalemate, tough talk is not enough. What’s needed is a deeper shift in understanding and strategy. Communication Without Borders (CWB) proposes a “dual-track” approach: leverage the buffer zone created by third-party mediation, while simultaneously restoring direct dialogue between the two nations.

1. More Than Just Economics Behind the Rising Tariffs

By spring 2025, U.S. tariffs on Chinese goods have climbed to 245%. This figure is no longer just an economic tool—it has become a kind of political statement. In the U.S., being tough on China is now part of the language of elections. For China, such high tariffs are seen as hegemonic pressure and a matter of national dignity.

This makes both sides reluctant to back down. Whoever takes the first step may be portrayed as “weak” or “yielding” by domestic and global public opinion. As a result, meaningful negotiations become extremely difficult.

2. The Role of Third Parties: Creating a Way Out

In this tense atmosphere, third-party mediation becomes especially important. Countries or organizations like the EU, Singapore, or Switzerland, though unable to solve everything, can serve as neutral platforms for communication for US and China.

The role of a third party is not just to handle technical details, but also to provide both sides with a way to “save face.” By re-engaging in areas like climate change, global health, or development aid, the focus can shift from confrontation to cooperation. This technique—leveraging less controversial issues to rebuild trust—helps avoid direct clashes.

3. Don’t Rely Solely on Intermediaries: Direct Dialogue Matters

Of course, third-party mediation alone isn’t enough. Without face-to-face communication between China and the U.S., substantial policy changes are unlikely.

China could promote the resumption of high-level economic talks, possibly by establishing a “tariff buffer zone” or a “trade pilot area.” The U.S., for its part, could appoint a special envoy to bypass domestic political gridlock and reopen pragmatic lines of communication.

What matters most is using technical language to address political disagreements—making dialogue feel “less political” and gradually rebuilding trust.

4. Dual-Track Strategy: Two Legs Are Better Than One

Some may think it’s either third-party mediation or direct talks, not both. But in reality, the most effective approach may be to pursue both simultaneously.

Third parties help lower the temperature and create room for maneuver; direct dialogue enables the two sides to address real issues. This combination helps break the “first to concede loses” mindset and opens up space for new forms of interaction.

5. Conclusion: A Shift in Perspective Is the Real Breakthrough

Breaking the deadlock doesn’t mean going back to the past—it means forging a new order of communication and negotiation amid polarization and tension.

CWB is not just concerned with the rise and fall of tariff numbers. We pay attention to the narratives, emotions, and identity structures behind policy choices. We believe that only when both sides stop clinging to the mindset of “you are the enemy” can true dialogue between China and the United States begin.

Please follow and like us:
Related Articles

Why Are Chinese University Teachers So Obedient?

By Michael Why are Chinese university teachers considered so easy to govern?...

为什么中国的大学教师如此“顺从”?

文/米迦勒 为什么中国的大学教师特别好管理? 这是微信视频号“雨落禅心静”在其作品中抛出的问题, 意思是为什么大学教师如此顺从于管理者? 管理者一而再,再而三地压制, 文件规定想一出是一出, 一再试探老师的容忍底线, 结果发现底线没有最低,只有更低。 对此,她指出了三个原因。 一是老师本身没钱没权, 二是职业对大学教师的职业约束, 三是大学教师已在硕博阶段接受并通过了“服从性测试“。...

王沪宁论中美外交风格差异

早在1994年,王沪宁就以独特的政治文化视角,预见了中美外交博弈格局的深刻变化。 文/毕研韬 1995年,上海人民出版社出版了王沪宁日记《政治的人生》,他在该书第116页写道: 上面这段话,是王沪宁1994年6月7日的日记。对此,我个人的理解是:随着中国的经济实力增强,中美谈判时,美国不能总是要求中国让步,反而在需要中国时不得不自己让步。与东方大国打交道,美国需要学习新的方式,否则会不断在亚洲碰壁。 置于1994年语境下看,这段话具有相当的前瞻性。当时中国刚进入高速增长阶段,但王沪宁已预见到中国的崛起会改变中美博弈格局。他对中美外交风格差异的对比也切中要害:美国强调制度化操作与利益计算的“技术主义、实用主义”,而中国更注重灵活权变与“政治艺术”。他同时预言,美国若不调整思维方式,势必在亚洲屡遭挫折。这一判断在随后二三十年的中美互动中不断得到验证,显示出作者的洞察力与战略远见。 注:“[外交]”是《无界传播》编辑加的。 Please follow and like us:

中国已建成453个区域国别研究机构(更新版)

文/《无界传播》信息中心 北京时间2025年9月23日17时更新 近年来,中国区域国别研究体系建设步伐加快。根据中国社会科学网报道,截至2022年底,中国教育部已批准建设 453个区域国别研究培育基地和备案中心,分布在 186所高校(中国社会科学网,2024年2月23日)。 这些是中国教育部批准成立的区域国别研究机构,实际上各省、直辖市、自治区教育厅还自行批准培育了若干区域国别研究机构。 需要明确的是,这453个机构在性质上并不完全相同,大致可分为以下两类: 一、培育基地(42个) 培育基地是教育部重点扶持的区域国别研究平台。它们通常具有以下特征: 二、备案中心(411个) 备案中心数量庞大,但形式多样,实体化程度差异显著: 从宏观上看,教育部备案的453个区域国别研究机构,为中国加强对外认知和国际传播提供了广泛的学术与智力支撑。然而,从建设质量上看,真正具有可持续研究能力和独立运作条件的实体机构仍显不足。未来,中国的区域国别研究需要在数量之外,更加注重实体化和高水平研究平台的建设,以提升对国家战略的支撑力。...