Home 亚洲 China’s International Communication Depends on Decision-Makers
亚洲传播学

China’s International Communication Depends on Decision-Makers

Share

The success or failure of China’s international communication hinges on the cognitive level of its decision-makers.

By Bi Yantao

Amid continuous adjustments in the global landscape and the increasing fragmentation of information flows, international communication is no longer simply about “making our voice heard.” It concerns the capacity to influence other countries’ perceptions, shape external understanding, and reduce the risk of misjudgment.

Many attribute unsatisfactory outcomes in international communication to insufficient platforms, technological shortcomings, or weak execution. However, what ultimately determines the upper limit is not the executive level, but the decision-making level. The cognitive horizon of decision-makers constitutes the “ceiling” of international communication capability.

I. The Core of International Communication Lies Not in “What to Say,” but in “How to Judge”

International communication is not mere information dissemination. It requires systematic design concerning issue selection, framing, audience psychology, and the structure of global public opinion.

If decision-makers cannot accurately assess what the external world cares about, how China is interpreted, and where cognitive gaps exist, then regardless of resource input, communication efforts may generate substantial noise but limited impact.

In many cases, the problem is not insufficient effort, but flawed judgment. Judgment errors stem from cognitive structures, and cognitive structures are shaped by sources of information.

II. The Problem Lies in Whom Decision-Makers Listen To

In a highly complex international environment, decision-makers cannot rely solely on personal experience to comprehend the full structure of global public opinion. Their cognition necessarily depends on experts. Yet in practice, those who most influence decision-making are not always those with the most rigorous research credentials.

In some contexts, individuals with higher administrative rank, more prestigious titles, or greater public visibility are more likely to be invited to endorse events or participate in discussions. Administrative bodies may implicitly assume that higher position equates to higher competence, and prominent titles equate to authoritative judgment.

However, international communication is a highly specialized field. Scholars who have long studied overseas communication structures, tracked public opinion data, and analyzed cross-cultural differences may not hold prominent administrative posts. Indeed, those engaged in sustained empirical research are often ordinary professors or researchers.

If administrative rank is conflated with professional expertise, decision-making cognition may rest on symbolic authority rather than empirical analysis.

III. Experts as “Endorsement Resources,” Not “Judgment Resources”

At local levels, for reasons of publicity or protocol, experts are often invited to elevate the status or image of events. This practice is not inherently inappropriate. The problem arises when symbolic endorsement is equated with substantive professional validation.

Endorsement addresses form; deliberation addresses cognition.

If expert participation is merely symbolic and substantive research insights fail to enter the decision-making core, the communication system may exhibit a structural phenomenon: numerous activities, frequent forums, considerable media coverage, yet limited improvement in international perception.

This is not an execution problem, but an access problem—who is genuinely able to influence decisions.

IV. Genuine Experts Rarely “Speak to Please”

Scholars engaged in long-term empirical research tend to emphasize uncertainty, highlight latent risks, and caution against potential misreadings. They may not provide simple affirmative answers, nor are they inclined to cater to emotional expectations.

Yet this prudence constitutes the foundation of decision security.

If institutional environments are more receptive to affirmative narratives and less tolerant of risk warnings, alternative perspectives may gradually disappear from the decision-making process. Short-term stability may be achieved, but long-term risks of misjudgment may accumulate.

International communication involves national image and strategic interests. The cost of a major misjudgment often far exceeds that of an ineffective event. Whether decision-makers can hear authentic, professional—even uncomfortable—opinions is central to the quality of cognition.

V. The Fundamental Path to Improving International Communication: Bringing Real Experts into the Core

Enhancing international communication capacity is not primarily about increasing budgets or expanding platforms. It is about reforming how experts enter the decision-making system.

First, experts participating in major decisions should be selected based on research output and professional competence, rather than administrative status or titles.

Second, major communication strategies should undergo independent and substantive expert review prior to adoption, rather than symbolic consultation.

Third, communication outcomes should be evaluated against prior expert recommendations, making judgment accuracy a long-term metric of assessment.

When those who genuinely study overseas public opinion and understand cross-cultural structures possess stable channels of influence, the cognitive framework of decision-makers will naturally become more comprehensive. Other issues—resource allocation, coordination mechanisms, data evaluation—will then be easier to resolve.

If this core issue remains unaddressed, international communication may remain confined to the level of expression, rather than advancing to the level of cognition.

VI. Conclusion

The essence of international communication is not competition in expressive capacity, but competition in cognitive quality.

Whom decision-makers listen to determines the boundaries of cognition; the boundaries of cognition determine the upper limit of international communication.

Only when institutional arrangements enable those who truly understand international communication to enter the core of decision-making will substantive improvement occur. Otherwise, regardless of resource investment, efforts may merely circulate within pre-existing cognitive frameworks.

Bi Yantao is Professor at the School of International Communication and Art, Hainan University, and Senior Research Fellow at the Charhar Institute.

Related Articles

伊朗攻击美国中东基地,这给亚洲国家什么警讯?

伊朗持续攻击美国在中东的军事基地,正在产生一个溢出中东地区的战略效应:美国传统的海外军事基地体系的安全性和持续作战能力正在受到重新检验。 作者:毕研韬  发布:2026年8月24日 这并不意味着美国失去了军事优势,也不意味着亚洲国家会因此转向中国。但对于长期依赖美国安全保护的亚洲国家而言,中东战争至少提出了过去不够突出的问题:美国的亚洲基地会比美国本土更容易被攻击吗?如果美国同时面对多个战略方向的危机,其军事资源和安全承诺还能否始终保持足够的稳定性? 一、固定军事基地可能不再是绝对安全的“力量支点” 过去几十年,美国海外军事存在的重要基础之一,是遍布欧洲、中东和亚太的军事基地。这些基地不仅承担驻军和后勤功能,也是美国进行远程军事投送的重要支点。伊朗的导弹和无人机攻击正在改变这一传统假设。 美国在海湾地区的一些大型军事设施距离伊朗较近,长期处于伊朗导弹和无人机的打击范围内。美国在此次战争中遭受的基地损伤,使华盛顿开始重新评估这些大型固定基地的战略价值。最新报道显示,美国国防部正在考虑战争结束后减少在波斯湾的军事存在,并重新思考是否值得按照过去的规模重建受损基地。 这并不意味着“基地无用”。真正发生变化的是军事基地的功能逻辑:过去强调的是集中、规模和持续部署;未来可能更加重视分散、机动、隐蔽和快速转移。 这对于亚洲尤其重要。因为美国在日本、韩国、关岛以及菲律宾等地,同样拥有大量具有战略价值的固定设施。随着精确打击武器、无人机、远程导弹和卫星侦察能力不断发展,亚洲国家需要重新思考一个问题: 如果发生高强度冲突,美国部署在亚洲的军事设施究竟是安全保障,还是潜在的打击目标? 这实际上是一个非常现实的安全困境。 二、美国的军事优势仍然存在,但“全球同时应对危机”的能力值得观察...

CCP and Govt Should Exercise Caution in Joint Institutions with Universities

Overall, the disadvantages of party and government agencies co-establishing research institutions with...

北京对台认知战的三个新特征

认知战的目标不只是“让对方相信什么”,还包括“让对方怀疑什么”,进而削弱对方社会形成共同判断的能力。 作者:毕研韬  发布:2026年8月20日 美国外交政策研究所(FPRI)亚洲项目近日发表文章《中国对台“认知战”行动手册》(Inside China’s Cognitive Warfare Playbook Against Taiwan),作者Bram Wells。文章从灰色地带竞争、社会裂缝以及人工智能等多个角度,分析其所称的北京对台认知战新变化。 一、从传统信息战走向“灰色地带”认知战...

中国党政机关应审慎与高校共建专业机构

政校共建机构,初衷是借助高校专业力量提升治理能力,但现实中,机构的行政负责人未必就是最适合的专业领军人才,机构建起来了,真正优秀的专业人才却可能被排除在外。 作者:毕研韬  发布:2026年8月20日 首先声明,本文主要讨论党政机关与高校在人文社会科学领域共建学院、研究院(中心)等机构的问题。至于自然科学、工程技术等领域,笔者并不熟悉,因此不敢妄加评论。 近年来,党政机关与高校共建学院、研究院(中心)已蔚然成风。合作初衷值得肯定:党政机关希望依托高校专业资源提升治理实力,高校期待借助党政扶持转化科研成果,进而推动学科发展。 但有三个问题值得反思:党政机关了解今日之高校吗?政校共建是党政机关对接高校资源的最优方式吗?共建机构真能帮助提升职能部门的专业素养与治理效能吗?对此不能想当然地给出肯定答案。 一、共建逻辑:传统路径与跟风惯性 共建机构大致源于两个考量:历史传统的延续与跟风效仿的倾向。 长期以来,高校被视作高层次人才、知识与智力资源的重要集聚地。党政机关处理专业性事务时,寻求高校协作本具内在合理性。但当下,这种合作逻辑正在被简单化处理。看到其他地区、其他部门与高校共建机构,便跟风设立,仿佛“不共建,工作就落后了”。 然而广为流行的未必都是好的,新冠肺炎疫情曾风靡全球,但世人都谈之色变。 党政机关在筹划与高校共建机构时,首要应厘清三个核心问题:开展共建是否确属必要?不共建机构,能否实现同等工作目标?共建之后,究竟能够新增哪些履职能力? 倘若上述问题没有清晰答案,仅仅效仿外界做法就挂牌成立学院、研究院或研究中心,最终很可能只是新增一块机构牌子,而并未真正提升治理能力。...