Home 传播学 Viewing “Visiting Relatives” as Power Games: How Western Media Misreads Xi Jinping’s Visit to North Korea
传播学

Viewing “Visiting Relatives” as Power Games: How Western Media Misreads Xi Jinping’s Visit to North Korea

Share

Author: Bi Yantao

Publication on June 10, 2026

After Chinese President Xi Jinping’s recent visit to North Korea, many Western media outlets quickly offered their interpretations. Terms such as “influence competition,” “strategic game,” “geopolitical maneuvering,” “balancing Russia,” and “countering the US and Japan” appeared frequently in reports and commentaries.

Some analysts even suggested that the visit was “more symbolic than substantive,” citing the absence of major agreements or new strategic announcements.

However, from a Chinese perspective, such analyses likely misread the essential nature of the visit. The issue lies not in a lack of information, but in the limitations of the analytical framework Western media use to interpret the event.

1. Why Do Western Media Always Look for a “Hidden Agenda”?

For a long time, Western international relations studies have been heavily influenced by realist theory. Within this framework, states are viewed as rational actors pursuing power, security, and interests. Interactions between countries are typically interpreted as struggles for influence, interest exchanges, and strategic games.

Therefore, when Xi Jinping visits North Korea, many Western analysts’ first questions are: “Why are the two sides maintaining contact?” “What does China want to gain?” “What can North Korea offer?” and “Who is competing for influence over North Korea?”

Under this lens, the visit itself seems meaningless; what matters are the hidden strategic objectives behind it. A relatively straightforward diplomatic activity is thus layered with complex strategic speculation.

The problem is that many of these interpretations lack direct supporting evidence. What public reports can confirm is that the visit took place, talks were held, and both sides expressed willingness to continue developing bilateral relations. Claims about “competing for influence,” “balancing Russia,” or “countering the United States” are mostly speculative inferences based on existing theoretical frameworks rather than verified facts.

2. Chinese People Understand Relationships Differently

If many ordinary Chinese people were to explain this visit, they might offer a simpler interpretation: it was “visiting relatives.”

Here, “visiting relatives” is not literal, but refers to a particular logic of relationships. In Chinese society, interactions between relatives do not always need to solve specific problems or produce concrete outcomes each time. Often, simply meeting, chatting, and maintaining contact holds value in itself.

This is a very common social experience for Chinese people.

However, many Western observers tend to understand international relations through a transactional logic. They often believe that a visit only has real significance if agreements are signed, projects are announced, or concrete results are achieved.

Thus, when they see no such outcomes, they easily conclude that it was merely a “symbolic visit” lacking substantive content. In doing so, they overlook one key point: the relationship itself has value.

3. The Overlooked Function of “Maintaining Relationships”

American communication scholar James Carey proposed the “ritual view” of communication. According to this perspective, communication is not only about transmitting information but also about maintaining community.

Some interactions aim to exchange content, while others serve to confirm and maintain relationships. From this angle, high-level visits do not necessarily need to resolve specific issues; they also fulfill the function of relationship maintenance and confirmation — especially in China-North Korea relations.

In diplomatic practice, state visits, commemorative activities, exchange of congratulatory messages, and leaders’ meetings all carry clear ritual characteristics. Often, the ritual itself is the meaning.

When the top leaders of both countries meet, the primary message received by the outside world is: both sides still value their relationship, communication channels remain open, and both are willing to continue developing bilateral ties. These messages may not translate into formal agreements, but they still have real-world impact.

Therefore, simply equating “symbolic” with “lacking practical significance” is itself a misunderstanding.

4. Why Does the West Easily Misread China-North Korea Relations?

The root of the problem may not be that Western media lack knowledge of North Korea, but that they habitually interpret the world through their own experiences.

In Western political culture, international relations are largely understood as contractual and interest-based relationships. In East Asian cultural traditions, relationships often hold intrinsic value.

This difference exists not only between states but also between individuals. When Chinese people say “come and go often,” the emphasis is on the “coming and going.” When Western analysts observe the same behavior, their focus is often on the “purpose.”

As a result, the same event receives vastly different interpretations: Chinese people see continuity of relationship; Western media see strategic calculation. Chinese people see ongoing friendly exchanges; Western media search for hidden agendas.

This does not mean one side is completely right and the other completely wrong. It shows that an observer’s own cultural background and cognitive framework profoundly influence their judgment of an event’s meaning.

5. To Understand the World, We Must Also Understand the Observers

International communication studies tell us that news reporting is never a simple reproduction of reality, but a process of selection, organization, and interpretation.

The same event can be told as completely different stories by different media. Xi Jinping’s visit to North Korea is a classic example.

For many Western media outlets, it was a geopolitical event. For many Chinese people, it was first and foremost a relationship event.

If we ignore these cognitive differences, it becomes easy to mistake relationships for transactions, exchanges for games, and friendliness for calculation.

In this sense, the inspiration from Xi Jinping’s visit to North Korea may extend beyond China-North Korea relations — it is also about how we understand the world.

When the West habitually views everything through the lens of power competition, even a simple “visit to relatives” can be interpreted as a power game.


About the Author: Bi Yantao is a professor of communication studies, specializing in international communication, international conflict, and peace studies. This article represents the author’s personal views only and does not represent the position of any institution.

Related Articles

战略叙事究竟能改变什么?一个新的理论视角

战略叙事的真正力量,或许不在于让人相信一个观点,而在于让人开始用一种新的方式理解“谁是谁、什么是什么,以及世界正在发生什么”。 作者:毕研韬  发布时间:2026年9月14日 近些年来,“战略叙事”已经成为国际关系与国际传播领域的重要概念。 简单来讲,战略叙事就是各类政治主体围绕 “我们是谁、发生了什么、世界该往何处去”这类核心命题,持续解读国际现实、构建意义体系,并借助传播手段,影响其他主体看待现实、判断利益、预判未来的方式。 战略叙事绝非单纯讲一个故事。它本质上在划定认知边界:哪些现象值得关注、哪些主体拥有话语权、事件应当如何解读、未来的发展方向应当如何确立。 例如,同一场国际冲突,既可以被解读为安全危机、领土争端、人道主义灾难,也可以被定性为大国博弈。不同叙事不只是措辞上的差异,更是引导外界站在完全不同的视角看待同一件事。 由此引出一个核心问题:战略叙事到底能带来哪些改变? 以往研究大多聚焦叙事如何影响人的认知、态度与行为。而近年兴起的“战略本体论”(strategic ontology)研究思路,把讨论推向更深层次:战略叙事不仅能改变人们看待世界的方式,甚至会重塑人们对世界本身的认知。 一、不止改变看法,更重塑认知底层逻辑...

警惕国际传播新陷阱:真实信息也能被操纵

美欧转向警惕“真实信息的操纵”:事实可以被选择、重组与放大,最终让受众在全部真实的碎片中形成偏离完整现实的认知。 作者:毕研韬 发布时间:2026年9月11日 过去讨论国际信息操纵,人们首先想到的是“虚假信息”和“深度伪造”。近几年,美欧相关机构关注的重点正在发生变化:一些信息本身并非虚假,甚至来自真实事件,却可能通过选择、组合、脱离语境、情绪化包装以及算法放大,最终产生明显的误导性传播效果。 一、从“假信息”到“信息操纵”:欧盟关注点正在变化 欧盟近年来逐步使用“外国信息操纵与干预”(FIMI)这一概念,替代单纯的“虚假信息”框架。欧盟外交与安全政策机构认为,信息操纵并不只包括制造虚假内容,也包括对事实、信息传播网络和受众认知过程进行有组织的干预。 2023年,欧盟外交与安全政策机构(EEAS)发布首份FIMI威胁报告,此后持续进行年度跟踪。2024年的第二份报告分析了2022年12月至2023年11月间的750起FIMI事件。2025年的第三份报告则进一步把研究对象从具体内容扩展到数字基础设施、账号、网站和跨平台传播网络。 其中一个值得注意的变化,是欧盟开始强调“传播方式”本身。 EEAS在2025年报告中指出,很多信息操纵事件并不是发生在单一平台,而是在多个平台同时展开,内容由不同账号交叉发布,再根据目标受众选择不同的平台。报告记录的案例中,至少349起使用了“内容本地化”技术,即通过当地语言、文化、事件和社会议题重新组织信息,以提高内容的可信度和传播效果。 欧盟还特别关注利用现实社会中的热点议题。EEAS曾指出,相关行动往往借助已经存在的政治和社会矛盾,再加入具有情绪色彩的内容,使信息更容易传播。例如,欧洲方面曾将德国农民抗议等社会事件列入FIMI观察范围。 在这种情况下,传播者未必需要制造一个完全虚假的事件。一个真实发生的社会事件,加上特定的事实选择、解释框架和情绪表达,同样可能形成具有明显倾向性的传播效果。 二、美国也在研究:事实与叙事并不是一回事...

欧盟:更高级的传播,是重塑认知环境

欧盟正从关注“真假信息”,转向关注重塑认知环境:谁控制渠道、如何持续可见、信息如何被组织与扩散,正成为国际竞争的新焦点。 作者:毕研韬  发表时间:2026年9月10日 近年来,欧盟对国际传播和信息操纵的关注正在发生变化。它关心的不只是信息内容本身,还有谁控制传播渠道、信息如何被组织和扩散,以及一个社会的信息环境如何被改变。 这种变化集中体现在欧盟近年来持续发展的“外国信息操纵与干预”(Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference,FIMI)框架中。 一、从“假消息”到“信息操纵与干预” 欧盟对FIMI的制度化关注始于2015年前后。“欧洲对外行动署”(EEAS)最初主要针对俄罗斯的虚假信息活动,后来逐步扩大到全球范围,并将中国等国家纳入观察范围。 与传统的“假新闻”概念相比,FIMI的范围明显更大。欧盟关注的并不只是某一条信息是真是假,而是外国行为者如何利用数字平台、社交媒体账号、网站、媒体渠道和不同组织之间的网络关系,对信息空间实施有组织的影响。...

西方关注中国国际传播新形态:生活方式传播

中国正在从“被讲述”,走向“被体验”。 作者:毕研韬  发表时间:2026年9月9日 近年来,中国国际传播出现一个新变化:越来越多海外受众接触到的“中国”,不再主要来自传统媒体对中国政治、经济和外交政策的报道,也不完全来自中国官方媒体主动发布的内容,而是通过旅游、美食、城市生活、消费文化、科技产品、影视游戏以及社交媒体上的日常记录进入海外公众视野。西方媒体、智库和学界已经开始注意到这一变化,并将其视为中国软实力和国际传播方式演变的一个新现象。 一、从官方叙事到日常生活:西方注意到什么 近年来,西方媒体对这一变化的关注明显增加。《外交学者》曾撰文讨论中国软实力的新变化,特别关注时尚、网络影响者(online influencers)和生活品牌在中国国际形象塑造中的作用。与传统公共外交相比,这类传播不再主要依靠官方媒体和文化机构,而是通过商业文化、社交平台和消费产品进入海外受众的日常生活。 美国《华尔街日报》也注意到中国文化产品在海外的扩散。从Labubu到《哪吒2》、从《黑神话:悟空》到中国新能源汽车,中国文化和消费产品正在成为外国消费者认识中国的新入口。相关报道认为,中国的国际影响力正在越来越多地通过商业文化和大众消费产品进入海外市场。 美联社则关注到海外社交媒体上出现的becoming Chinese现象。一些外国年轻用户开始模仿中国人的饮食、养生习惯和生活方式,并分享自己对中国城市、消费和日常生活的体验。这种由普通用户参与的文化传播,与传统意义上的国家形象宣传存在明显差异。 旅游也成为这一变化的重要组成部分。《卫报》关注中国扩大免签政策之后外国游客数量增加的现象,并注意到越来越多外国人开始通过亲身旅行观察中国,而不是仅仅通过本国媒体报道认识中国。中国城市、交通、饮食和消费环境,由此成为国际传播的一部分。 学界的研究也开始从传统媒体转向社交媒体和外国影响者。2026年的一项研究考察了外国TikTok影响者对美国公众中国认知的影响,发现外国影响者的传播互动程度较高,其相关内容能够对受众的中国认知产生影响。欧洲中国问题研究机构也开始关注中国国际传播中传播主体多元化、内容生活化和数字平台化的趋势。...