Home 亚洲 Does China Really See America as Declining?——A Discussion with The New York Times
亚洲北美

Does China Really See America as Declining?——A Discussion with The New York Times

Share

Abstract: This article examines and challenges the implicit assumption in a recent The New York Times commentary that China has formed a unified perception of the United States as a declining power. It argues that Chinese views of America are far more diverse and internally contested than many external narratives suggest. While some Chinese scholars, commentators, and policy elites believe the United States is experiencing structural decline, others continue to view America as possessing enduring strengths in innovation, finance, institutional resilience, and global influence. The article further contends that both China and the United States are increasingly vulnerable to “cognitive simplification” — the tendency to reduce complex societies into singular strategic identities. It concludes that such simplification may itself become a strategic risk in contemporary international relations, narrowing the space for mutual understanding and increasing the potential for miscalculation.

Key Words: American Decline Debate, Cognitive Simplification, international communication, Strategic Perception, US-China Relations

By BI Yantao

May 12, 2026

Recently, The New York Times published an opinion article titled Trump Is Coming to a China That Has Moved On, which implicitly advances an important proposition: that China increasingly views the United States as a “declining power.”

This observation is not entirely unfounded.

Over the past decade, narratives about “American decline” have become increasingly common in Chinese online discourse, parts of academia, and strategic studies circles. Especially after the global financial crisis, the withdrawal from Afghanistan, rising political polarization, mounting debt, and the “Trump phenomenon,” arguments about a “crisis of the American system” have gained broader traction in China. The phrase “the East is rising while the West is declining” has become one of the most recognizable expressions of this sentiment. Yet such views do not mean that China has reached a unified internal consensus about America’s future.

To conclude from this, however, that “China has formed a unified perception of American decline” risks oversimplifying the country’s far more complex and internally diverse cognitive landscape. The issue is not merely whether the United States is declining, but who gets to define how “China” sees America.

“China Thinks” Is Not a Simple Proposition

When discussing China, Western media often unconsciously employ what might be called a “single-subject narrative”, such as “China believes,” “Beijing thinks,” “China sees the United States as,” “China is preparing for”.

Such formulations are common in journalism, but they often obscure an important reality: China is not a cognitively homogeneous community. Particularly regarding perceptions of the United States, substantial differences have long existed within China.

One school of thought argues that the United States is entering a phase of structural decline.

Those who hold this view typically emphasize intensifying political polarization, growing social fragmentation, deindustrialization, unsustainable fiscal deficits and debt, declining global governance capacity, the rising costs of alliance maintenance, challenges to dollar hegemony, and the weakening appeal of liberal Western narratives.

In their view, America’s problem is not imminent collapse, but the increasing cost of sustaining global hegemony. This assessment aligns in many ways with the logic of “hegemonic decline” in international relations theory.

China Also Has a Strong “America Remains Powerful” Camp

At the same time, another markedly different perspective has long existed within China.

A number of strategic analysts, business leaders, and intellectuals do not accept the conclusion that the United States is undergoing irreversible decline.

They argue that despite America’s serious internal problems, its deep structural advantages remain extraordinarily strong, including the world’s leading innovation ecosystem, elite universities and research networks, dominance of the dollar and global financial system, a powerful alliance structure, the ability to attract top global talent, advantages in AI, semiconductors, biotechnology, and other frontier sectors, and strong institutional self-correction mechanisms.

From this perspective, the United States is experiencing a cyclical adjustment rather than a civilizational decline.

This group is particularly wary of one strategic danger: mistaking America’s temporary disorder for irreversible long-term decline.

Historically, the United States has repeatedly been predicted to decline — during the rise of Japan in the 1970s, after the Vietnam War, and following the 2008 financial crisis. Yet each time, the United States demonstrated a significant capacity for reorganization and adaptation.

For these observers in China, the most important thing about America is not its problems, but its resilience.

China and the United States Are Both Misreading Each Other

What deserves greater attention is that China has not formed a unified “American decline consensus,” just as the United States has not formed a unified “China rise consensus.”

In recent years, the American strategic community has also displayed deep divisions:

some believe China is steadily rising; others argue that China has already peaked; some foresee long-term economic stagnation in China; others still view China as possessing enduring systemic competitiveness.

In other words, both China and the United States are attempting to interpret each other while failing to reach stable internal consensus themselves.

This suggests that one of the greatest risks today may not be confrontation itself, but cognitive simplification — and the media play a major role in this process.

When a complex, multilayered China with substantial internal disagreements is compressed into a singular strategic actor, the outside world is more likely to develop the illusion that “China unanimously believes America is declining.”

Reality is far more complicated.

The “American Decline” Narrative May Itself Become a Strategic Risk

Historically, one of the most dangerous moments in international politics occurs when one major power believes another is declining while that power still retains enormous capabilities.

A “declining power” is not necessarily a safer power. In some cases, it may become more sensitive, more reactive, and more determined to defend the existing order. Similar cognitive structures appeared historically between Germany and Britain, and between Japan and the United States.

This is partly why the phrase “declining but dangerous” has become increasingly common in American strategic discourse.

In fact, many within China’s strategic community hold a similar view. They argue that the real question is not whether America is declining, but whether it is willing to accept relative decline.

Therefore, the most important issue today may not be whether America is declining, but whether China and the United States are developing increasingly rigid and deterministic perceptions of each other.

Once such judgments become ideological, emotionalized, and heavily mediated, the space for genuine mutual understanding may continue to shrink.

Cognitive Complexity Matters More Than Emotional Judgment

The New York Times article captures certain real emotional and cognitive shifts within Chinese society. But its problem lies in the impression it may leave on outside audiences: that China has already formed a unified, stable, and definitive consensus regarding American decline.

In reality, Chinese perceptions of the United States are far more diverse than many outsiders assume.

Some believe America is declining. Some believe it remains the world’s strongest country. Others believe America is both declining and still dangerous. These differences themselves demonstrate that China is not a single-track cognitive community.

In international communication, an increasingly important question is this: Are we trying to understand the real “other,” or are we continuously constructing a simplified image of the other? 

That question may ultimately matter more than whether America is declining.

BI Yantao is Professor at the School of International Communication and Arts, Hainan University, China and Senior Research Fellow at the Charhar Institute. The views expressed here are solely those of the author and do not represent the positions of affiliated institutions.

Related Articles

TikTok争端:“中国血统”是“原罪”?

TikTok争端表面上是数据安全之争,深层却涉及所有权、法律管辖、国家安全与制度信任。 作者:毕研韬  发布时间:2026年9月22日 真正值得追问的,不是TikTok有没有风险,而是为什么同样的数据风险,在不同的平台、所有权和地缘政治关系下,会被赋予不同的安全意义? 一、十周年争议:“边骂边用”的悖论 2026年9月20日,TikTok迎来上线十周年。法国《世界报》在相关报道中提出了一个颇有意味的问题:TikTok为什么会成为欧美监管者的重点对象?报道将其追溯到一个难以回避的事实——平台的中国血统。 政治人物一边批评TikTok,一边使用TikTok,言论与行动形成了明显反差。这种“边骂边用”现象并非法国独有。美国、英国、加拿大、澳大利亚以及欧盟机构等,都曾针对政府公务设备上的TikTok采取限制措施,但并不全面禁止公众使用TikTok。加拿大政府明确将这一措施解释为保护政府信息和网络安全;英国政府当年采取的也是针对政府电子设备的预防性禁令。 政治传播需要接近TikTok庞大的年轻用户群体,而国家安全又要求政府系统与这一平台保持距离,这正是“边骂边用”现象背后的制度张力。 二、真正的争议:风险究竟来自哪里? TikTok的争议核心,并不是“社交平台会不会收集数据”。 几乎所有大型数字平台都在收集用户数据。真正引发欧美政府担忧的,是TikTok背后的所有权、法律管辖以及由此产生的数据和平台控制风险。 美国政府长期强调,ByteDance的中国背景以及中国有关国家安全、国家情报的法律制度,使其担心中国政府可能通过企业关系获得数据或者影响平台运行。2024年美国国会通过相关法律,要求TikTok美国业务实现“合格剥离”,并将脱离外国对手控制作为继续运营的重要条件。...

中国成立“边疆国际传播研究联盟”

首届“边疆国际传播论坛暨学术论文工作坊”近日在云南大学举行。会议期间,“边疆国际传播研究联盟”发起成立,并发布《边疆国际传播研究倡议》。 《无界传播》信息中心  2026年9月21日 倡议由云南大学新闻学院、《新媒体与社会》编辑部发起,中国人民大学新闻学院、华东师范大学传播学院、西安交通大学新闻与新媒体学院、山东大学新闻传播学院、兰州大学新闻与传播学院、吉林大学新闻与传播学院、大连理工大学人文学院、辽宁大学新闻与传播学院、北京外国语大学国际新闻与传播学院、上海外国语大学新闻传播学院、内蒙古大学文学与新闻传播学院、广西大学新闻与传播学院、新疆大学新闻与传播学院、宁夏大学新闻传播学院、深圳大学传播学院、黑龙江大学新闻传播学院、广东外语外贸大学新闻与传播学院、四川外国语大学新闻传播学院、西安外国语大学新闻传播学院、海南师范大学新闻传播与影视学院等22所高校、研究机构共同发起。 《边疆国际传播研究倡议》提出,相关研究应立足中国边疆,面向周边国家,联通全球传播网络,推动研究从个案描述走向理论建构,从单向传播研究拓展至跨境关系、文化转译、平台传播和日常交往研究。倡议强调,应加强对周边国家政治社会环境、媒体生态、受众需求和舆论结构的研究,推动中国边疆经验进入国际学术对话。

美国将改变“对抗”中国外宣的方式

为更有效地对抗中国外宣,美国正试图改造传统国际广播体系,建造适应数字平台、锚定精准受众,并与外交协同的传播模式。 作者:毕研韬  发布时间:2026年9月21日 特朗普已提名国务院公共外交副国务卿莎拉·罗杰斯(Sarah B. Rogers)出任“美国全球媒体署”(USAGM)首席执行官。 美国全球媒体署是美国联邦政府负责国际广播的独立机构。它下辖美国之音,并为自由欧洲电台/自由电台、自由亚洲电台等机构提供资助,主要向海外受众,尤其是信息受限地区提供新闻与信息。 在7月30日的听证会上,罗杰斯明确指出,中国具有侵略性,正在扩大对外宣传,而对抗这一敌意性的宣传是她公共外交工作的核心。 从她目前的公开表态看,美国准备调整的,主要集中在三个层面。 一、从“拥有媒体”转向“进入信息环境” 传统国际传播依赖自有渠道:广播、电视、网站等。这种模式曾有较强覆盖力,但今天受众获取信息的方式已根本改变。人们更多接触短视频、社交媒体、播客、即时通讯群组和算法推荐内容,而非主动寻找某家国际广播机构。 竞争空间因此从媒体机构本身,扩展到整个信息环境。罗杰斯提出加强短视频、播客等形式,并强调受众研究和预测性人工智能,目的不只是增加几个栏目,而是把传播入口前移到受众日常使用的平台。未来竞争的关键,不再只是“美国之音有多少听众”,而是内容能否进入一个人每天刷手机、听播客、加入社群时面对的信息流。...

特朗普正在改变国际传播逻辑

过去,传播是外交行动的“说明书”;如今,传播正在成为外交行动本身,特朗普的实践让这一变化变得前所未有地清晰。 作者:毕研韬   发表时间:2026年9月19日 过去讨论特朗普的国际传播,人们往往首先想到三个关键词:美国优先、交易主义、社交媒体。尤其是第一任期内,特朗普频繁使用Twitter,直接向全球公众和外国政府发声,“推特外交”(Twiplomacy)成为国际传播研究的热门议题。 但如果只把特朗普视为“更会使用社交媒体的总统”,那就低估了正在发生的变化。真正值得关注的,是传播在外交中的位置发生了变化。 一、社交媒体不只是“说话的地方” 2025年1月,特朗普与习近平通电话。中国方面发布了正式通报,特朗普则很快在其社交媒体Truth Social上发表自己的版本。两份信息都将通话描述为积极,但关注重点并不完全相同。特朗普的帖子特别提到贸易平衡、芬太尼和TikTok等议题。 这件事说明:总统的社交媒体已经成为外交信息生产的一部分,而不是外交活动结束后的宣传渠道。 第二任期以后,这一趋势更加明显。 2025年,特朗普多次通过Truth Social直接宣布或预告重要外交政策。“英国皇家国际事务研究所”(RUSI)在总结特朗普第二任期第一年外交政策时指出,一些外交政策变化甚至首先通过Truth...